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from the mundane affairs of secular life. While petitions and invocations uttered at collective blood sacrifices invariably make final reference to this divinity (or God, as Evans-Pritchard called it), only in dire situations is the divinity petitioned directly (see Burton 1980b). A category of spiritual powers closely associated with the divinity also is imagined by these peoples. Variously called "heavenly" or "free" divinities, these powers affect everyone in a like manner. |
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This spiritual division is mirrored by a category one may term earthly powers. They manifest in domestic contexts and are more numerous than the spiritual agents. Since they are further removed from divinity, they are imagined to be inferior (see Evans-Pritchard 1956; Lienhardt 1961; Burton 1981). This earthly category of suprahuman phenomena actually defines the world of Nilotic possession and divination and thus is the focus of discussion in this essay. |
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Nilotic divination is a process in which (1) an individual is believed to be possessed by a spiritual agent; (2) a different individual is called upon to diagnose the spiritual agent that has brought on the particular physical or moral dilemma; and (3) a community of opinion is established in regard to social accountability and ritual recourse as a consequence of possession. The afflicted individual and the community to which he or she belongs commonly are transformed significantly by the experience. |
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The majority of such possessions manifest in physical maladies. Given the wide variety of illnesses in southern Sudan, Nilotic divination must be characterized as an open spectrum, a continually evolving system to account for unexpected and uncontrollable circumstances. As Lienhardt writes, "Some Dinka assert that the free divinities are comparatively recent introductions, and they are certainly prepared for revelations of new free divinities which may enter Dinkaland at particular times and places" (1961:164; cf. Evans-Pritchard 1956:63105). |
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The quintessential illustration of this general and, one must assume, perpetual phenomenon is reported for the Mandari, who live on the southern fringes of Dinka and Atuot territories. Indeed, a central portion of Buxton's study of Mandari cosmology and religion (1973:64113) is concerned with understanding a "foreign" possession cult associated with jok. Buxton states: |
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The Mandari claim that during the last few decades new forces affecting health and well-being have made an appearance in their country. The Mandari category designation for these forces which are manifest in multiple form is jok. . . . Certain punitive expeditions carried out against Aliab and Atuot are seen as directly instrumental in bringing powers to Mandari country. . . . One of these armed forays was against a group of Atuot who were camping in open bush . . . a number of Atuot were killed and wounded. The Mandari constantly return to this incident declaring "The blood of people with jok was spilt on our soil, so the angry jok belonging to the dead and dying Atuot were loosed in Mandari." (1973:66) |
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Buxton further notes that "the word jok is now used to describe any illness thought to have spread or to have been picked up from a neighboring tribe" (67). |
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