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Page 25
matter of diviners' cross-gender identification is discussed in Peek's essay in this volume.
We would benefit from more life histories of diviners like those provided by Redmayne (1970), Turner (1967), and some of this volume's contributors. Callaway's record of Zulu diviners' initial experiences remains one of the most complete personal accounts available and corresponds to data reported for mediumistic diviner, the "call," which comes from the ancestors or suprahuman powers, may at first be ignored (see the essays by Burton and Meyer below). An individual's selection may be signaled by patterned non-normal behavior (see Blier's essay) or, as among the Bena Lulua, by a period of illness or misfortune (McLean and Solomon 1971:38). Suspicions about such signs are confirmed through divination, as reported by Muchona, the Ndembu diviner (Turner 1967 and 1975:24749). Insanity or even death for the chosen individual may result if the correct response is not made (Morris 1976:243). High intelligence, good memory, and especially personal control must be manifest as well, even for mediumistic diviners (see Zuesse 1979:21011 and Bauer and Hinnant 1980:224).
Future diviners usually undergo a lengthy period of formal training. Yoruba diviners are trained for at least ten years in the branches of knowledge on which Ifa divination is based (Abimbola 1976; see also Bascom 1969:8190 and McClelland 1982:8595). Yaka diviners complete a rigorous year-long training in medicinal preparations and the special divination language (Huber 1965). With or without formal training, diviners are ceremonially presented to the community, often following an initiation ceremony. Complementing Callaway's record of male Zulu diviners' preparation are Ngubane's study of the initiation of Zulu women diviners (1977) and Boshier's account (1974). Symbols of death and rebirth dominate the elaborate initiation ceremonies of the Bena Lulua of Zaire (McLean and Solomon 1971:3942). Middleton (1964, 1971) and Zahan (1983:8386) provide further information on mediumistic diviners' initiations. When a diviner concludes training or initiation, she or he is tested publicly. Yoruba babalawo are examined extensively on the branches of Ifa knowledge, while Zulu diviners must demonstrate the clarity of their special vision by readily finding lost objects (as is done by Ndembu diviners: Turner 1975:26162).
From Madagascar to Togo most diviners continue learning and refining their skills throughout their lives, sharing their expertise and studying with more renowned diviners. This common practice reminds us that these are shared epistemologies, not simply idiosyncratic behaviors and personal intuitions. In fact, the Yoruba and Malagasy have divination schools, and the Bena Lulua have formal diviners' associations headed by "queens" (McLean and Solomon 1971:26).
References
See reference list at end of main introduction.

 
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