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the products of divination are utilized within various African communities, but it does allow us greater appreciation of the intricacies and subtleties of the cognitive dimension of the divinatory process, no matter which divination form is employed. All types of divination aid decision making by literally re-viewing the problem in light of different knowledge (whatever its source), and then the process integrates this perspective with contemporary reality by means of discussion between diviner and client. |
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Certainly we must try to understand African systems of knowledge in their own terms and our own analyses should respect those perspectives. But more important than arguing for one analytical approach against another is to acknowledge that divination is a critical component of human cultures everywhere and to ignore this essential way of knowing and problem solving is to diminish our study of human behavior. |
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A shorter version of this essay was given at the National Museum of Ethnology, Osaka, Japan, June 13, 1987. My sincere appreciation to Karen McCarthy Brown and Ivan Karp for helpful suggestions on earlier drafts. |
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1. As Ray comments, |
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The general reluctance of anthropologists to attempt broad comparative studies of African religions has meant that this task has fallen to theologically and philosophically trained scholars. Understandably, they have neglected the cultural and social context of African religious ideas and behavior. Inevitably such efforts have resulted in both superficial and distorted representations. (1976:12) |
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2. Others who consult only diviners who are strangers include the Alur (Southall 1970: 119), Hehe (Redmayne 1970:117), Kalanga (Werbner 1973:1424), Kaguru (Beidelman 1986: 144), Lele (Douglas 1963:22-23), Pondo (Wilson 1961: 336), and various Zambian peoples (Crawford 1967:182); see also the essays by Blier, Devisch, and Whyte in this volume. |
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3. This is the custom among the Lobi, Yaka, Nyole, Giriama, and Swahili (see the essays by Meyer, Devisch, Whyte, and Parkin in this volume), Dagaaba (Kuukure 1985: 106), and Sisala (Mendonsa 1978:23). |
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4. Rigby maintains that divination is a strong preserver of cultural tradition because it is "effective in adapting that tradition to rapid change in Kaganda society" (1975:130-31); for further comment on divination and innovation see Bauer and Hinnant (1980), Horton (1964:11 n.1), Huber (1965:48), Kuukure 1985:72), and Parkin's essay in this volume. |
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5. See Wilson (1961:348), Crawford (1967:202-3), Bucher (1980:113), and Dubb (1980: 449). |
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6. See also Ngubane (1977:57, 142), Lee (1969:123-40). Gelfand (1959:151), Hammond-Tooke (1975:32), Sibisi (1975:50), and the introduction to section II above. Cross-gender dressing also occurs among the Yoruba (Bascom 1969:95 and 1980:9-10). |
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7. This theme is central to the ancient Greek tradition about the seer Tiresias, who once saw two snakes coupling, killed the female, and instantly was turned into a woman. He lived as such until seven years later, when he again saw two snakes coupling and, |
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