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they are similar means to the same end. Obviously more attention must be paid to emic typologies. Some resolution of our difficulties may be possible when we have learned more about which form of divination correlates with which kind of problem. For example, is Shaw correct to suggest in her essay that analytic divination forms are used for more formal legalistic problems while revelatory forms are used for more occult-oriented issues? |
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Although many aspects of divination are treated in this volume, we have by no means exhausted all dimensions of this multifaceted topic. We must immediately acknowledge the scarcity of research by Africans on divination systems. This situation must be rectified, but it is certainly understandable given the negative portrayals of divination by European and American anthropologists and theologians (see p'Bitek 1970 and Westerlund 1985). Abimbola'a publications on Yoruba Ifa divination are among the few such studies available. Important new work is being published on African philosophy by Africans, such as Hountondji (1983), and by teams of Africans and non-Africans, such as Ruch and Anyanwu (1984) and Hallen and Sodipo (1986) (which suggests the value of cross-cultural cooperation for such topics); but unfortunately these works do not treat divination. |
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As any area of study refines its efforts, more questions than answers result. Of the many dynamic elements in divination, the dramaturgical and linguistic are least understood. More biographies of those exceptional individuals who become diviners are needed. More regional studies of divination complexes would clarify the relationships among divination systems. Divination must be studied in the larger context of decision making in daily life. Although Gluckman suggests that divination articulates a people's theory of morality and distinguishes between occult and legal responsibility (1972), its study can no longer be limited to religious contexts. The association of divination with judicial systems is critical, as Huizinga discussed years ago (1950). What are the decision-making mechanisms available to each society and how do they differ in terms of sources and types of knowledge? The correlations of social structure with divination (Park 1967) and spirit mediumship (Greenbaum 1973) can now be better pursued. Are there distinct types and users of divination among cultures with differing subsistence strategies and political systems? Are Edgerton (1974) and Goldschmidt (1986) correct that divination is more prevalent among pastoralists than farmers? |
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Even more important, we must learn more about different African cultures' systems of knowledge. Are different types of knowledge available from unique sources with distinct methods of acquisition and criteria of validation? How do these concepts correspond to each culture's theories of personality and behavior, religion, and the natural world? Certainly efforts by cross-cultural psychologists must incorporate indigenous epistemologies in order to avoid the dead ends of imposed frames and mechanisms in their study of cognitive processes.
28 A more complete study of divination systems, as provided by the essays included here, demonstrates that we can undertake the documentation of the intellectual histories of African societies. Data are available to trace the development of different ideologies and epistemologies, and we have an obligation to fulfill this challenge. |
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